One of the things that surprises me about both Australia and New Zealand is the regionality of newspapers… In a country of less than twenty million, and in an age when network technology can reproduce a British morning newspaper on the doorsteps of Europe, Sydney has the Sydney Morning Herald, and Melbourne, less than two hours’ flight away, has The Age.
Both are full of assessments of the Little Johnnie’s ten years in power. The vox pops at the bottom of the analysis suggest that the feeling that their country has become a meaner and less pleasant place to live overall is a price Australians feel is worth paying for prosperity, or at least the dream of an achievable prosperity. The Australians I’ve been talking to in Sydney feel rather less positive about Howard’s union-bashing and racist identity-mongering than that: for Elizabeth, the recent passing of restrictive anti-union legislation was a tearful moment, and for Ngaire there seems no escape but exile from the “parochialism, racism, fascism, general apathy and democratic decline which seems to be in abundance in Australia”. While the aftermath of the Cronulla riots dies away, Howard, and even his treasurer Costello, still feel confident enough in their racism to declare that immigrants who don’t share ‘Australian values’ are not wanted, like some obscene parody of the Brown-Blair united front.
If Australian is ailing, perhaps a different kind of Australianness is the answer? While I was in Sydney, I read Germaine Greer’s Whitefella Jump Up, in which she suggests that the remedy for the sickness in White Australians’ souls is to adopt the principal of aboriginality for all Australians, to declare an aboriginal republic, and to adopt aboriginal attitudes to the land and ecology in particular.
There is only one way to purge the taint, uncover the secret and ease the otherwise eternal regret, and that is not to give the country back to the Aborigines, because it isn’t ours to give, but to admit that it has been an Aboriginal country all along.
Excavating the history of settler literature, and in particular Mary Durack’s Kings in Grass Castles, she exposes white Australians’ hatred of the twisted and bitter landscape as a fundamental misunderstanding of the continent’s ecology: they denuded its forests, poisoned its water, and planted alien crops. When they got lost on their way to ‘open up’ new land, the Aboriginal people fed them and sent them back only to see them try again, as they failed to see what was possible and not possible in Australia’s ‘senescent bush’.
Just how strange is Australia, with its marsupials and gums, seemingly impenetrable mountains and gullies, and fire-prone coastal bush? On my bush walks I was almost willing myself to see it as ‘alien’, to revel in a strange landscape of dry scaliness and absence of slime, but aren’t these just trees and bushes? If European farming methods are inappropriate, Australia is nevertheless a net exporter of the archetypal European grain, wheat, to more than fifty countries, most notably Iraq: the other big story the Herald and Age were covering was the AWB’s wheat-and-bribes-to-Iraq scandal.
Most people think that New Zealand has a much better relationship between native people and European settlers, its very foundation based on the mutual Crown-Maori Waitangi Treaty. It’s the only place I know that the dominant white colonial-legacy population refer to themselves by the indigenous people’s name for them: Pakeha (gaijin in Japan know they are gaijin, but they’re also inferior), and it’s rare to meet even a white-bread kiwi abroad who won’t impress upon you their knowledge of a few words of the Maori language.
For some, however, that’s not enough. Ani Mikaere in her lecture Are we all New Zealanders now?, argues that the imbalance of colonisation can only be redressed on Maori terms. The land is still a Maori land, and so therefore the principles of Tikanga Maori (Maori ethics) are the only basis on which Pakeha can assume their status as manuhiri (guests) among the Tangata Whenua (the people of the land), and can never rise above that status:
For Pakeha to gain legitimacy here, it is they who must place their trust in Maori, not the other way around. They must accept that it is for the tangata whenua to determine their status in this land, and to do so in accordance with tikanga Maori.
It’s a much harder proposition to accept than Greer’s vague assertion of ‘Aboriginality’, but then it’s made by an indigenous person rather than an colonial Anglo-descendent in exile. I have two problems with Mikaere’s approach: firstly, I don’t think that a set of ethics, Tikanga Maori, developed to regulate traditional Maori society are capable of regulating a complex and industrialised society like New Zealand; secondly, in a society of global population flows, migration and refugees, the Tangata Whenua principle is dangerously inhospitable. Apply it to most of Europe, where whites can claim with some justification to be the native and indigenous population, and you have a moral framework for treating all immigrants and their descendants as permanent guests, subject to the ‘indigenous’ rules, and materially exactly the same kind of racism with which Howard and Costello are manuring the Australian polity.
Wellington’s Museum of New Zealand, Te Papa has a nearly-bewildering array of Maori cultural objects and artifacts, from a full-size meeting house with incredible low-lit carvings inside, to kiddies’ interactive build-a-pataka (storehouse). Most interesting is the Whanganui Iwi exhibition, an exhibition presented by the Maori people of the Whanganui river area (and presented in the second person, a Maori ‘we’ rather than ‘they’), covering history and interaction with Pakeha from environmental despoliation of the river, suspected genocidal acts, and culminating in the 1995 occupation of Moutoa Gardens and reestablishment of the Pakaitore, part of a new wave of Maori activism.
I don’t belong in either of these countries: my pale celtic skin flares pink at the gentlest touch of this antipodean sun; I lost count of the number of times in Australia I found myself replacing the ‘crazy country’ thought with the ‘crazy white people’ thought. But not all the problems of European-colonised societies are locked in the roots of the act of colonisation. There’s enough obvious similarity between the politics of Howard and the politics of Blair (NZ parliamentary politics by contrast are a welter of playground sexual taunts) to see that parochialism, racism, fascism, general apathy and democratic decline are diseases that affect the whole world.
* Germaine Greer refers to this use of the word ‘Awelye’, Emily Kngwarreye’s only given titles for some of her paintings, meaning “the whole lot”, summing up Aboriginal artists’ understanding of painting as a reflection of the totality and interconnectedness of all things, rather than individual representations of particular things.